ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT OF IRELAND to THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT on 17th MAY, 1995
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT OF IRELAND to THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT on 17th MAY, 1995
Mr President, Distinguished Members,
It's a special pleasure for me to speak to the elected representatives of the European Union today. And since I am speaking in a place which is acutely aware of the heritage of all the countries which compose this Union, I would like to begin by speaking briefly in the Irish language. The languages of the peoples of the European Union are a precious part of its culture, and a very conscious part of its programme. They represent the many ways in which the peoples of this Union speak and think and envision their future. And so, in the happy knowledge that it is very European, let me begin by speaking Irish.
Is onóir faoi leith dom an deis seo a bheith agam labhairt le Parlaimint na hEorpa. Is ó shaoránaigh na hEorpa a thagann údarás an institiúid seo agus dá bhri sin tá áit speisialta aici i gcroí an Aontais. Is slat tomhais le fada é an Pharlaimint do thuairimí mhuintir na hEorpa. Is maith is eol dom go bhfuil Baill na Comhairle seo ag obair go dearcach agus go díograiseach do thógáil bhuan na hEorpa.
[It is a particular honour for me to have this opportunity to speak to the European Parliament. This institute's authority comes from the citizens of Europe and it has a special place in the heart of the Union. The Parliament has for a long time been a yardstick of the views of the people of Europe. I am keenly aware that the members of this body are working with foresight and commitment to build a permanent Europe.]
The European Parliament has over the years provided a forum for many of the great European statesmen and women without whose vision the European ideal would not have been realised. Moreover, it represents the rich diversity of European culture, a diversity which strengthens the Union and gives it its unique character. Together with the Council and the Commission, it provides the delicate institutional equilibrium which underpins the operation of the Union.
The desire of the Irish people to reaffirm and re-establish their European vocation dates back several centuries, long predating the time of our application for membership of the European Community. Our historical and cultural reference points are rooted in European traditions. Down through the centuries Irish missionaries played a key role in cultural, religious and social advancements across the continent and made an indelible contribution to European identity. In more recent times, the continuing Irish presence throughout Europe and indeed elsewhere, has been assured by the Diaspora of young Irish people.
This historical perspective sets in context the very real and heartfelt desire of the Irish people to reforge the links of friendship and shared tradition with the European mainland.
Since the accession of Ireland to the Community in 1973, our people have had the opportunity to reaffirm and restate their commitment to Europe. Through the medium of the ballot box they have, in 1987 and 1992, voted overwhelmingly to remain at the heart of Europe. The people of Ireland have underlined their attachment to further European integration and have let it be known that they wish to be active participants in consolidating the basis and the foundation for the construction of the new Europe.
My visit here to the European Parliament comes at a time of great hope and optimism on the island of Ireland. For the first time in a generation it is free of paramilitary violence. With the achievement of peace, there is a unique opportunity to forge a new partnership with the two main traditions in Northern Ireland.
I believe that the forces of healing, reconciliation and shared interest that have inspired the construction of Europe are today increasingly transforming the economic and political landscape of the island of Ireland.
We in Ireland are addressing with renewed vigour and hope the task of building new forms of co-operation. In this task, our shared partnership in Europe can be a common point of reference for all people on the island of Ireland.
It is right to express here, in this city so symbolic of the spirit of European reconciliation, deep appreciation for the consistent and unwavering support of the European Union in encouraging the process of reconciliation and dialogue in Ireland. It is also appropriate that I express particular appreciation of the strong support of the European Parliament - an elected assembly with representatives from both parts of the island of Ireland - for the peace process.
Since its inception the Union has retained the political objective of harnessing economic capability as the basis on which to foster greater prosperity, to promote stability and to provide the background for greater mutual understanding between the peoples of Europe.
The completion of the internal market providing free access to a market today of some 370 million consumers and in which goods, capital, services and persons move freely, was a signal achievement. In addition, significant steps have been taken to reduce the disparities between the regions of the Union. The assistance provided through structural funds, as a corollary to the liberalising of markets in more vulnerable economies, represents an important example of the economic and social solidarity existing between the Member States. The Single European Act and its successor, the Treaty on European Union, constitute significant steps on the road towards the objective of the ever closer union of the peoples of Europe.
The latter also represents an important step in equipping the Union to play a constructive role in the international political arena commensurate with its economic capacity and to pursue more effectively the promotion of those values which have long inspired our common endeavours: respect for the rule of law, democratic institutions and for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The enhancement through the Treaty on European Union of the political competence of the Union as set out in the provisions on a Common Foreign and Security Policy, is a timely one. Member States all attach due importance to ensuring the Union's capacity to make an adequate and effective response to conflict and crisis whenever and wherever it arises. From the outset of the conflict in former Yugoslavia, the European Union has been actively engaged in the search for a comprehensive political settlement.
But the recent upsurge of fighting in Croatia and the non-renewal of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in Bosnia-Hercegovina have raised the spectre of new and more deadly clashes, and the prospect that these might spill over into a wider conflict.
These developments have also cast doubts on the maintenance in the region of the United Nations vital peacekeeping presence, to which the member States of the European Union are contributing substantial resources.
I believe that it is now more necessary than ever for the European Union to persist in its efforts to find a comprehensive and durable political settlement for the region; to urge the parties to act in a manner that will not precipitate the withdrawal of the UN peacekeeping forces; to continue, with the United Nations, to provide humanitarian assistance to the victims of conflict; and to continue to support the efforts which are being made to ensure that the perpetrators of war crimes be brought to justice. With power comes responsibility, and as a corollary to its importance and influence in the world, the Union is bound to exercise those powers in a responsible fashion. It is incumbent on us to ensure that the causes and consequences of hunger and suffering in the developing world are properly addressed.
By the implementation of comprehensive support mechanisms through the framework of successive Lome Conventions, the Union has continued to provide meaningful support and co-operation to its African, Caribbean and Pacific partners.
More recently, the European Union has sought to formulate a political and humanitarian response to crises in Rwanda and Burundi. There is now a clear need for a cohesive regional approach to the problems facing these two countries and their neighbours. However, such an approach cannot succeed without meaningful dialogue and reconciliation at national level. I am conscious of the European Parliament's ongoing concern for the plight of these countries and its important role in keeping them in the focus of the international community.
And yet I would like to report on what I have witnessed myself on recent visits to a number of African countries. The detail may differ but there is a similar pattern running through those countries. They have embarked on structural adjustment programmes and have introduced variations of democratic electoral processes together with freedom of the press. These reforms are regarded as necessary both by the countries themselves and by the I.M.F. and World Bank. But their immediate consequences are worrying, in that structural adjustment has meant significant loss of jobs in the public sector without any early prospect of meaningful outside investment to create private sector jobs and develop potential in manufacturing, tourism and other areas. Instead the poor suffer even more, as those countries cut back on provision of basic education and primary health care.
Having visited a large number of villages and city areas of extreme poverty, I find it unacceptable that such cutbacks are being made. And, of course, the more democratic the system the greater the public criticism and challenge to structures of government. The reason I draw this to your attention today is that a recurring theme during these visits, as I listened to political and business leaders, was that "Europe has forgotten Africa". "Africa is not on the Agenda, or is very far down the Agenda of the European Union." "Europe is looking to the East, not to the South."
There is a moral obligation on the Union to maintain and enforce a coherent, meaningful and sustained response in this area. We owe it to those much less fortunate than ourselves and whose economies and infrastructures are less robust than our own, to provide the means with which they can be freed from the debilitating cycle of war, famine and disease. The Lome conventions are a unique European contribution to North South relations. In continuing our efforts in this respect, we must ensure a comprehensive response which guarantees the mobilisation of all the instruments at our disposal - legal, political, economic and humanitarian. Such an approach must, as an essential element, be accompanied by an awareness of the possible impact of policies other than those falling directly within the development area. In addition to positive preventive policies, we must constantly scrutinise to what extent other policies, be they in the areas of trade, environment, agriculture or elsewhere, impact negatively on the developing world.
I would take this opportunity to pay tribute to the work being carried out by the international agencies and the non-governmental organisations and to commend them to your continuing support. Here is a cause with which the name of the European Union can and should be inextricably linked. Our public expects as much from us. I am conscious that this is also an area in which the European Parliament can exert ongoing pressure within the Union and I would urge you to do so.
In parallel with its activities on the external front, there is a clear need for effective and inspired leadership within the Union. The political leadership of the Union should ensure that it remains close to the needs and expectations of the citizen. Decision-making in the Union must take place "as close as possible to the citizen". In so doing the highest level of openness and relevance must be ensured so that our citizens can understand the functioning of the Union. Over-elaborate and arcane decision-taking procedures tend, as we know, to alienate these same citizens.
Perhaps the greatest challenge facing the Union today is the need to provide an effective response to the dual scourges of unemployment and social exclusion. Unemployment and poverty are poisons which attack the social fabric and for which the antidote has yet to be identified and administered. Failure to devise and implement radical solutions to these problems undermines confidence.
Action to stimulate the creation of jobs therefore must continue to represent the top priority for the Union. The endorsement by the Brussels European Council in 1993 of the White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment is a welcome step and the possibilities which this presents for a joint approach must be diligently pursued. The advantages which have been bestowed on the citizens of Europe by achievements in the areas of free movement are set at nought if large sections of the population are alienated from their benefits, through the effects of poverty and unemployment.
Moreover, when the vision of a new Europe was first described, it was never intended that it should at some point limit itself to an exclusive club or to a chosen few. Such circumscription would have been unthinkable. The concepts and values which underpin the European Union are universal. Basic principles of democracy and the rule of law are not to be monopolised. By the same token, the prosperity which is derived from the common endeavour and which derives from our common pursuit of economic objectives is also to be shared. A vision restricted to the pursuit of these goals in the limited framework of a restricted Community is a mean one.
The challenge presented by the evolving political architecture in Europe requires an imaginative and open-spirited response from the European Union. It is commonplace now to note that the old certainties have vanished. With the collapse of communism, a unique historical opportunity has presented itself. Representing as it does, the cornerstone of economic and political stability in Europe, the Union must display sound leadership qualities in showing the way to the newly emerging democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union.
The process which was begun at the European Council in Copenhagen and which opened the perspective of accession to the Union for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe must be developed. We would do well to listen to the urgency in the voices of the leadership of those countries, who are coping within a democratic framework with the sharp deterioration in the standard of living of their citizens. For them, working in a structured way towards preparing for the demands of accession is a political as well as economic lifeline which we should not underestimate.
Similarly, the opening towards a common understanding with the peoples of Russia and the newly independent States is both a necessary and an essential objective. For too long historical legacies have served to obstruct the natural bonds of friendship and comradeship between our peoples. However it is important, as European Union Foreign Ministers have made clear, that relations with Russia should be based on respect for human rights and the principles of the United Nations and the OSCE. In this regard the Irish Government continues to urge that a determined effort be made to end the hostilities in Chechnya and to achieve a peaceful negotiated solution to the conflict, one which takes full account of the human rights of the Chechen people.
The Union is correctly seeking common ground with its Mediterranean neighbours. We commend the French Presidency in particular for its initiatives in this regard.
The challenge of fashioning an effective, worthwhile response to the changing European architecture is matched, of course, by the challenge of adapting our internal structures to accommodate the new realities. When they met in Maastricht to put the seal on the Treaty on European Union, the Heads of State and Government, set the date of 1996 as the time when a further Intergovernmental Conference would be convened to examine the implementation of the Treaty and to consider revision of certain provisions.
The Intergovernmental Conference, which will continue under the Irish Presidency, will be faced with the challenge of mapping out the future for the Union into the next century. In looking ahead to that chapter in the history of the Union, and therefore in the shared history of the peoples of Europe, the challenge will be not only to provide for responsive and effective institutional arrangements in the context of the Union as we know it, but also to provide a blueprint for a Union which may accommodate well over twenty Member States.
When they gather in Messina in June, Foreign Ministers as well as the Reflection Group, which will initiate the process leading to the Intergovernmental Conference, will be aware of the historical resonances of the context in which they meet. They should be inspired by the results of those meetings in Messina in June 1955. The extent of the challenge facing the Union in a changing world requires bold responses. The objectives must be clearly identified, a common analysis brought to bear, and a joint response combining realism and imagination must emerge. Anything less would be a betrayal of the legacy we have inherited.
As well as being forty years since the Treaty of Messina was signed, it is also the fiftieth anniversary of the end of World War II - an anniversary marked this month by ceremonies in London, Paris, Berlin and Moscow. I had the privilege to represent Ireland at the ceremonies in Paris, where I joined with over 60 Heads of State or Government, representing countries that fought on opposite sides of that war as well as countries that were not directly involved in the conflict. Our purpose was to emphasise reconciliation in Europe rather than the victory of one side over the other; to mark our commitment to the maintenance of peace; and to demonstrate our will to work to ensure that no such war will ever recur. In these solemn pledges we find the genesis of our Union. Let us renew them today and let them continue to be the guide to our future work together.
Mr President, Distinguished Members,
The European Parliament has long been an enthusiastic champion of the European ideal and of European integration. Its committed defence of Europe's interests and of the interests of her citizens, and its espousal of the cause of a peaceful, prosperous and decent world beyond our shores, has marked it out as a vitally important democratic forum.
I am confident that your Institution will continue to play this role over the period ahead and that it will make a valued and valuable contribution to the building of Europe and to the realisation of our hopes for a better future.