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Address by the President of Ireland, Mary Robinson, to the Svenska Dagbladet Executive Club

Address by the President of Ireland, Mary Robinson, to the Svenska Dagbladet Executive Club, STOCKHOLM, 16TH APRIL, 1997

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Over four hundred years ago an Englishman, John Goghe, made a map of Ireland, It was one of the first maps of the island. It was a depiction of the place by men with an ambition to explore new lands, to conquer new domains. The first maps give Ireland an awkward shape but what is most striking is the Elizabethan depiction of Ireland as small, alone and isolated from the rest of Europe.

As young school children learning geography, we were taught, quite correctly, that Ireland was a small island on the periphery of Europe. Periphery is a big word and peripherality is quite a concept for young children to absorb. Our received sense of geographical place in the world might have closed us in on ourselves as a people. The tyranny of geography destined Ireland to remain small and alone - a place disconnected from Europe, Africa and the Americas.

Our history as a people maps Ireland's place in the world altogether differently. Our history binds Ireland to other countries, to our near neighbours, our European partners, the Americas and Africa. History has drawn patterns of conquest, of learning, of emigration and of travel which have obscured geographic peripherality. Our history demonstrates again and again that our people defied geography as they forged new paths which connected ourselves to the outside, to other shores, to new ideas, to new people. The highways which have taken us from our shores have been pathways of ideas, of learning, of service, of poverty. In finding them and following these pathways Ireland has seen herself always present in European history - in mediaeval and modern times.

It is a great pleasure therefore to find myself with you today in Stockholm on this first visit by an Irish Head of State to Sweden. Since my visit aims to further the close and friendly relations between our peoples it seemed fitting that I would reflect with you today on how I see Ireland in the new Europe. A central part of this reflection is the acknowledgement of Sweden's central place in the Baltic region, in Europe, in the world.

At the outset, I recall in particular the historic decision by Swedish people to accede to the European Union as well as Sweden's long-standing commitment to a vigorous, effective United Nations.

We live in times of great change in the relative power distribution among states. It has been observed that the present condition of the international system is multipolar, and asymmetrical and that these are troublesome times for statecraft and diplomacy. It is good then to remind ourselves that in the turbulent early modern phase, Sweden was critical to the shaping of the modern state and statecraft. In the 17th century, according to political scientists, Gustavus Adolphus was among the leaders in Europe who developed the administration, the forces and the theoretical skills that exemplified the ideal of modern statehood. This acquis, as well as the resilience of your people ensured that, despite great transitions and dramatic adjustments in past centuries, Sweden survived and continued to contribute to European development.

In this the century which is dominated by the two great wars in Europe, Sweden will be remembered for the valiant defence of its neutrality and the humanitarian values of the Swedish people who gave safe haven to Jewish and other refugees from Nazi and Soviet oppression.

At the close of the twentieth century we have become accustomed to hearing the epithet of the American Century applied to this epoch in our history. It would, of course, be unbalanced and even ungracious to fail to recognise the enormous contribution that the United States has made to the welfare of our continent in this century.

It is also a recognition of the cold war legacy that we have lived for a large part of the century with two superpowers dominating the international agenda. For a long time, it seemed that not alone small, but medium sized, nation States were eclipsed. Among them, were there to be nations like the Swedes, who had played a significant role in the formation of the modern State in the early modern period?

To some of the more despondent among us, it sometimes seemed that this was inevitable and irreversible. Logically, but mistakenly, some saw the construction of an ever-closer Union of the nations of Europe as a means to create a new super-power.

I believe that like us, you, the Swedes, disagree. The construction of a European Union in the form it has reached and in whatever forms it democratically may take in the future, is not at all a quest for super-power status. This bears repeating all the more by those of us who, over centuries, have contributed to the European political order and civilisation without counting ourselves among what were known as "the Great Powers" or the more recent "Super-Powers".

And so, Europe, and the maintenance of the values of our civilisation, owe more to our peoples and our distinctive cultures as to the formal institutional constructs which command our immediate political attention.

The challenge is to bring the full richness of European civilisation, in all its diversity yet bound together by fundamental democratic values, to bear on our political order. The primary arena for this work is, of course, in the European Union and I count myself among those who believe that fundamentally, the leaders of our peoples recognise this challenge.

It is a challenge which is faced at a time when the impact of global integration on our lives has never been more evident. We have come to recognise quickly, and not without cost, that we live in a European, indeed a world economy. I am sure that many of our homes are wired to many networks: phone, fax or internet. As a result, we now can reach an international audience from our studies. We are part of an international community where news and ideas flow quickly across state borders. Will our use of technology promote tolerance and diversity? Or will we use it to create incivility?

Our citizens have come to ask as much of Europe as they do of our home states. Our citizens will demand the same standards and the right to participate as much as they would in national political debate. The Europe we give formal expression to in institutional structures in the EU should be as vital a concern to us as that wider Europe we all feel instinctively - that of our values and our civilisation. It is not that one is expropriating the other. It is more that our basic democratic and human value should suffuse common institutions as much as they sustain our nation states.

Civil society, NGOs and the Press have a crucial role to play in the shaping of our new European community. A Europe of the citizen united in respect for, and a commitment to safeguarding, democracy and humanitarian values.

Ireland's accession to the European Community was an historic decision of an independent people. This was a decision to seek a new deal for the state internationally: it involved careful assessment of national self interest as well as a recognition that politically, socially and economically Ireland's future lay with Europe, for better or for worse.

The years since membership have been extraordinary times for our open trading economy. Job losses and dislocation in traditional industries have been outweighed by significant transfers to infrastructure and agricultural development. At an economic level, EU support is widely acknowledged to be a critical factor in launching our recent economic growth. The Irish economy has, as you will know, recently taken flight after many years of difficulties, while we have a long way yet to go to achieve the levels of prosperity and employment seen in Sweden.

As an internationally trading economy with a small domestic market, Ireland is heavily dependent on foreign trade. In recent years, Ireland's external trade performance has been very strong: every year since 1985 the country has recorded a surplus on the balance of trade. Since Ireland joined the EU in 1973, the geographical composition of Irish trade has changed significantly. While the UK was the destination for 61% of Irish exports in 1972, by 1995 this had more than halved to 25%. In contrast the German and French markets have grown in importance and the combined share of other EU countries, at 40%, exceeds that of the UK.

As we look at the pattern of recent economic development in Ireland, it is clear that membership of the European Union has consolidated an openness to the world market and to direct investment which began in the 1960s. As a result, Ireland now has become a centre of specialised competencies in world markets - e.g. electronics, pharmaceuticals - and our indigenous exports are rightly renowned for excellence and quality.

Economics, it has been observed, remains more of an art than a science. I find it strange, however, that the role of people, ideas, culture - civil society - is not emphasised more by economists as an explication for economic growth. It is extraordinary the frequency with which visitors recall the impression made on them by the vibrant culture which they say that they find in present day Ireland. From my perspective, as Head of State, I am coming to the view that this vibrant culture itself makes a real contribution towards economic growth. It is the spirit, attitude, confidence, creativity which makes people want to try things out, to develop ideas, to enter markets and to refuse to be defeatist. It is the spirit which can as readily write a world acclaimed rock album as a ground breaking computer programme.

In Ireland's economy, recognising all the work yet to be done in the areas of poverty and unemployment, we are tentatively, but confidently, acknowledging that a virtuous circle may be in the making in our country. History, culture, politics, economics and our people's engagement in the world, most particularly with Europe, have all worked together to contribute to the palpable optimism you will find in Ireland today.

I hope, however, that our economic progress does not turn us inwards and narrow our focus. I hope we will never become smug. Ireland, and, I believe Sweden, demand the same of the European Union. We know that our regional structures in Europe can guarantee peace and development in this region. We also recognise the important role which Europe's development aid plays and must continue to play in promoting sustainable human development in poor and war torn societies on other continents. As small countries with our histories of displacement, emigration, refugees, and war our people keenly and readily recognise interdependence and solidarity.

In October 1994, I visited Kigali in Rwanda for the first time. It was a few short months since the genocide and the society and the country were in great disarray. Organising this visit in such circumstances was possible only with the greatest of support from the UN and the Rwandan Government. During that visit, I met several Swedish people who were working with the UN Humanitarian Affairs Department. Their job was providing a communications service to the entire international relief operation in Rwanda and Zaire. It was vital work for the UN as well as the NGO community. Indeed, it proved vital for the visit too. Because these fine Swedish humanitarians loaned some walkie talkies to my party and this logistical back up was indispensable!

It is truly a pleasure to be in Stockholm today to repeat our expression of thanks for that and to commend Sweden for its staunch and valued support for humanitarian values.